Abstract ▼

The article deals with institutional innovations introduced with Lisbon Treaty in the EU common foreign and security policy. The pillar structure of EU was abolished, but main features of intergovernmental decision-making procedures and unanimity would de facto remain. That is the main structural constrain of a single and bolder European outbreak an international scene. An novelty is the some kind of presidentialization (personalization) of the field in the new posts of President of European Council and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. New procedures and structures are introduced also in a realm of Common Security and Defence Policy. A special hope of Eurocrats are put on the ongoing process of setting up new European External Action Serves as de facto new diplomatic service of the Union. However, there is the main paradox of the Lisbon arrangement in that it is supposed to confirm integration through foreign policy success at a same time when Europe is divided over a number of domestic as well as foreign policy issues, and all that at a time of the manifold global financial and economic crises.

Abstract ▼

China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics’ methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. “The common economic interests“ have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China’s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China’s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China’s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally “forbidden“ such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.

Abstract ▼

Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.

Abstract ▼

The author explores distinctiveness of the regional state mostly in Spain as third model of territorial organization. Unlike unitary and federal, regional state is not wide-spread and broad accepted concept of vertical organization although modern Spain and Italy represents examples of good practice. Having in mind diversity of regional identities and strong cultural distinctiveness in Catalonia, the Basque Country, Galicia and other areas, author is wondering if any other model of territorial organization could be sustainable in such socio-cultural environment. After the period of Franco’s dictatorship, which had been trying to exterminate cultural and historical particularities among Spanish nations, decentralization demands have become more stronger resulting with the new constitution adopted in 1978. This act has set the corner-stone of modern Spanish democracy based on Autonomous Communities as specific forms of decentralized state and territorial autonomy.

Abstract ▼

Since the break-up of SFRY, one of the key factors in the development of the Kosovo issue has been the USA. Washington will keep on playing the crucial role in further searching for a solution for this problem. Finding of a compromise solution will require to identify and re-examine relevant national interests and foreign policy objectives. The continuity of American interests in Europe since 1989 and in Serbia since 1999, respectively, points to the fact that in the foreseeable future, Washington will not change its three basic goals and they are as follows: NATO enlargement, consolidation of democratic political systems and legitimisation of humanitarian interventions. The last goal has a priority – the independent Kosovo should contribute to the legitimisation of the principle of humanitarian interventions. Consequently, one can conclude that during the September session of the United Nations General Assembly Washington will endeavour to block opening of the talks on the status of Kosovo, while it will keep on defending the unilateral secession of Priština as a sui generis case. Initiating of talks between Belgrade and Priština demands the creation of a striking, but also a specific and feasible idea that would be acceptable for all relevant factors in the process. The frameworks of such an idea are given in the conclusion of the paper.