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The relationship between energy sources import and export is placed in the centre of energy security analysis. The issue of the future of Europe is becoming increasingly important with the depth of the economic crisis that started in 2008. In addition to a continuous growth in the number of the unemployed, the crisis particularly emphasizes the chronic level of energy dependence. The energy saving measures (energy efficiency), diversification of sources (stability of supply), and the creation of substitutes in renewable energy (energy transition), interwin with administrative measures and form the response of European countries to the growing energy dependence. At the same time, although facing the threatening warming (or cooling) of the Earth, Europe, as a big advocate of reducing CO2 remains passively dependent on NATO policy in the field of defence in the context of energy dependence. However, for the first time after many decades, Europe and America do not have the same energy, and consequently geo-strategic objective: the United States has become energy independent, while Europe is chronically energy dependent. Preservation of the environment and the fight against climate deregulation becomes a crucial energy security domain.

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The paper analyses how a fast advance in technology can ease both discovering and exploitation of alternative energy resources available in space, and at the same time can open new long-term conflicts over supremacy in commercialisation of space resources. The author considers viability of actual and planned projects of members of the prestigious club of “space nations”—the United States, Japan, Russia and the European Union. Global energy demand growth stimulates technologically advanced countries to explore more intensively the technical feasibility and economic viability of renewable energy sources in space. Along with advancement in space technology in the foreseeable future, astro-resources could be used as an alternative or at least a supplement to the existing resource base. The author argues that the increasing space technology ambitions of China, India and, to some extent Iran, create a potential knot of new geopolitical and geoeconomical international conflicts. In conclusion, the author emphasizes that the extraterrestrial sources for the Earthʼs energy needs will not only stay an important alternative basis for energy security in decades to come, but space itself is likely to become rather a new battlefield of the great powersʼ strategic interests than a part of the common heritage of mankind, equally accessible to all nations.

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The paper analyses the implementation of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of EU member statesʼ external borders in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The author argues that the European Union pursues an exclusive version of those policies aimed at reducing the immigration pressure as well as preventing illegal border crossings into the member states. Two key mechanisms have been identified in the EU policy implementation: 1) a restrictive border control regime, and 2) agreements to transfer border management and supervision tasks to the third countries (transitional countries). The author emphasizes that the development of an exclusive migration strategy was not followed by the needed changes of the inclusive aspects of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of external borders; in fact, the EU member stateʼs asylum systems were not preventively strengthened as to enhance national capacities to receive and integrate new migrants. The dramatic increase of the number of illegal crossings of the European Union external borders in 2014 caused the collapse of the EU immigration strategy, and failures in national asylum systems of the member states. The author concludes that partially integrated EU immigration and asylum policy at national level led to the dysfunctional external border management and the EUʼs loss of control over massive immigration influxes.

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The paper analyzes what is the current position of the Western Balkans in the context of contemporary European trends and events. The author considers the European and Euro-Atlantic integration a certain attempt to “relocate” the whole region of the Western Balkans from an obvious periphery to a semi-periphery position. The focus of analysis is on numerous problems such as continued revitalization of the local ethno-nationalisms, structural economic crisis, the presence of high levels of organized crime and corruption. The author points out that, so far, numerous attempts of the most influential members of the international community primarily the United States and the European Union have failed to promote the improvement of the relations between new-formed countries and to establish a sort of regional identity. The author argues that the creation of the antagonistic identities of the states and nations of the Western Balkans during the breakup of the former Yugoslav federation was the main obstacle to the creation of the common identity. The author concludes that, in view of the new growing trends of ethnic nationalisms and certain forms of extremism and radicalism, the “relocation” of the Western Balkans from European periphery to the semi-periphery will not be short-term or easy, as evidenced by numerous internal problems and problems in bilateral relations.

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The paper deals with the genesis of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) as the important pan-European forum for addressing security issues during the Cold War era, and, secondly, analyses the dynamics of institutional changes that led to establishment of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). As an active factor in the process of détente and the easing of tensions between the then USSR and the United States, the CSCE was the place in which were flowing all initiatives related to overcoming the security problems in bipolar Europe. The paper provides a brief of negotiation process that produced the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, an international political document that laid down the basic principles of interstate relations and political commitments in a number of areas, from military-political security, to economic and environmental co-operation and human rights. The author concludes that the role of the OSCE is likely to stagnate in the 21st century, for it will not be sufficiently capable to influence Euro-Atlantic and Euroasian affairs, and to maintain its function as an important consultative and negotiating mechanism, as well as a platform for regional security and cooperation.

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The article examines how the deepening of the world economic crisis impacts global financial flows and performance of international financial institutions, with focus on two issues: 1) did the decrease of the Euro means the beginning of the global currency war?; 2) is there any sort of banksʼ “conspiracy” in the world gold market? Long-term financial crisis demands a decisive reform measure to mend the functioning and structure of the IMF, World Bank Group and other global and regional financial institutions. This means that the outcome of their policies has been inadequate, so far, and that their role is subjected to a critical observation in finding an efficient performance of financial markets. Beijing is becoming more generous lender for a large number of the low-performing countries, offering them the significant support in Yuans due to Chinese geopolitical interests. China and Russia in the field of economic development are strongly complemented: the scope of cooperation is very broad, and there is a strong potential for the establishment of other world currencies, which would suppress the U.S. dollar as the dominant currency in global commodity and financial transactions. The authors conclude that the struggle to increase the competitiveness of the national state, at the expense of others, continues in the era of the deepest global financial crisis.