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The paper contributes to the historiography of the domestic science of International Relations, observed through its processing of the nonalignment in the socialist Yugoslavia period. The author has analysed the relevant academic literature that deals with the nonalignment as a concept, a movement and an interplay of social relations. Initially, the paper presents a short sketch of the development of the science of International Relation within Yugoslav social sciences, and then the development of the part of the IR science that had nonalignment as its object. The author has shown the strong threads of the Marxist approach to the International Relations in the analyses of the nonaligned movement and its genesis, but also flexibility and eclecticism in the analyses of various related topics. The author has also displayed a wide focus of such a science on the analysis of the role of internal factors in defining the foreign policy and of the importance given to the historical experience and subjectivity in action, which are characteristics of more contemporary theories like constructivism and liberalism. In that sense, the author concludes the theoretical production of that era should be evaluated in more detail, in light of the actual state of play in the science of International Relations.

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Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, EastWest relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.

Abstract ▼

The paper discusses the dynamics of state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the focus on the analysis of the structural disadvantages of the concept and its implementation in the post-conflict environment. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a research case within this area study because it is a heterogeneous and divided society, with complicated historical and ongoing relations between local political actors, the complex structure of the political system, and the increasingly contested role of the international factor in the statebuilding process. The analysis of the local political dynamics established during the state-building process clearly shows the conflict between the international and local actors. The performance of the High Representative as the most important international actor in the state-building process has caused the increasing resistance of local political actors to the implementation of the statebuilding. The author emphasizes that the legitimacy deficit and the lack of accountability of the international community, the domination of the authoritarian mode of governance, and the insistence on an integrative strategy that neglects the positions, interests and motives of local actors are the major causes of the failure of the international community project. Since Bosnia and Herzegovina still heavily depends on the international actors, the failure of the state-building process would have far-reaching negative consequences for the political stability and the future of the state.

Abstract ▼

The regional protection of human rights before the European Court of Human Rights is indisputably the most efficient, and it is constantly evolving. Despite this, we have recently started to detect some problems with the execution of judgments that have revealed structural or systemic problems in the domestic law. Maintaining the authority of the Court\'s judgments is fundamental for the functioning of the established system of human rights protection. Significant news concerning the execution of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights is that the refusal of the responsible country to execute one judgment has recently led to the application of the procedure from Protocol No.14 for the first time. In this context, the necessity of this procedure is questionable. Although the majority have required the triggering of this procedure, it is unlikely that it will be applied to all judgments which are not executed. Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights are largely respected, but sometimes this is not the case, usually when the judgment is associated with politically sensitive issues, or when the execution of judgement requires significant or complex interventions in domestic legal order. The question is, will any special procedures for monitoring enable the execution of such judgments. The author concludes that this seems unlikely. It should also be noted that the European Court of Human Rights has started ordering very specific non-pecuniary measures in its judgements, hoping that this will improve the level of judgment enforcement. In our opinion, this approach should be applied with caution.