Abstract ▼

Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy – what should be given priority – relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests.

Abstract ▼

The European continent is moving away from a long-term tacit consensus on the desirability of deepening of European integration and entering a period of uncertainty and turbulence. The rise of the Euroskeptics on the European political scene creates without a doubt a discomfort among pro-European political forces. This prevents the democratic capacity of this process to be perceived, and in particular, the contribution of Euroscepticism channeled in the European Parliament, since it is the only organized political opposition in the EU institutional order which in terms of procedure leaves little room for that. Political movements and parties that express doubts about the benefits of the EU are certainly gaining legitimization by entering the European Parliament. However, on the other hand, this may have one unintended consequence. They contribute to the democratic legitimization and the reduction of the democratic deficit of the institution which they more or less radically challenge. They do so in the context of limited legitimization conferred to the European Parliament within the institutional structure of the EU. At first glance, the paradox of Euroscepticism being a threat to the EU and at the same time of reducing its democratic deficit is explained in this paper by the use of the German Federal Constitutional Court expressed in the famous judgment on the constitutionality of the Treaty of Lisbon. In addition to normative considerations, the paper also contains a shorter political review on the rise of Euroscepticism and its perspective. The author concludes that a conditional mutual legitimization of Euroscepticism and the European Parliament is emerging as a new political reality.

Abstract ▼

The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states, the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in regards to the continuation of the enlargement of the Union in the region of the Western Balkans. It is concluded that due to the pragmatic policy of support to the stabilitocracy regimes and, in general, due to the ambivalent attitude towards the future of enlargement, the European Union could face negative consequences in the coming years. Conceding to candidate countries in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for meeting the current geopolitical interests of the European elites (as was the case in some of the earlier EU enlargements) would have following implications for the Union itself: first, internally, casting further doubts on already shaken credibility of the project to build a European identity based on common values; and secondly, externally, the loss of reputation of a normative power that facilitates global relations by spreading its own principles and values.

Abstract ▼

The paper analyzes the significance of energy infrastructure for the concept of energy security, the basis of energy security dilemma concept that relied on the need for the protection and strengthening energy infrastructure and the effects of such a dilemma as well. The central hypothesis refers to the positive outcomes of the energy security dilemma, i.e., the assumption that, unlike the classical security dilemma, the energy security dilemma encourages states to cooperate instead of refraining them from doing so. Hence, the focus of authors’ attention contains the analysis of three Balkan countries’ energy arrangements – Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia – undertaken in order to strengthen their own energy security. The period of research covers the end of the 19th and the entire 20th century highlighting the Cold War period. Comparativehistorical approach to this topic implies observing the envisaged subject of research in a given historical and political context, especially due to the fact that these countries have changed their borders and status several times throughout history. In that sense, it is necessary to highlight key historical, political and economic characteristics of the countries that marked the appropriate period and made (im)possible undertakings in the field of energy security. The conclusion reached by the authors suggests that the main initiator of the development of energy infrastructure was the increased need of these countries for energy in order to meet their own needs due to accelerated industrialization and urbanization. In addition, within the analyzed case study of Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia, conclusion remarks refer to the fact that energy infrastructure, as well as the need for its protection and strengthening, can contribute to the connection of states, both physically and institutionally, despite their political classification during the Cold War.

Abstract ▼

Hugo Grotius is rightfully considered as one of the “fathers” of international law, although among his contemporaries and predecessors were many theorists that contributed significantly to the foundations of international law as we know today. The notion of humanitarian intervention has its place in his famous book De Iure Belli ac Pacis. The only correct way to investigate the emergence of the humanitarian intervention as an idea in this masterpiece of international law is through the analysis set in an appropriate time context, with particular attention devoted to the life and work of Hugo Grotius – the approach that will be taken by the author. Special reference will be given to the progressive ideas of Hugo Grotius in De Iure Belli ac Pacis in the context of the politics of colonization of the Dutch in XVII century. Finally, this paper will demonstrate that Hugo Grotius’ book cannot be considered without accepting its utilitaristic dimension and especially not as a work devoted only to the goals of his state. As it often happens, the truth is somewhere between two radical views (and not necessarily in the middle) and consequently, through the glasses of the interconnection of many factors, his work should be perceived.