International problems Journal Archive


International problems Vol. 72 No. 3/2020

Content

“CLIMATE JUSTICE” AND THE PARIS CLIMATE AGREEMENT IN THE LIGHT OF GREENHOUSE GAS EMISSIONS REDUCTION TARGETS
Dragoljub TODIĆ
International problems, 2020 72(3):467-498
Abstract ▼
The aim of the paper is to identify common elements and differences in the policies of the countries towards the achievement of the Paris Agreement on Climate (PAC) targets. The introductory part of the paper highlights the complexity, characteristics and importance of climate change as a global problem, and suggests the methodological approach. The central part of the paper is devoted to addressing the theoretical and normative aspects of “climate justice”. The issue of “equitable” participation of countries in the fight against climate change (so-called climate justice) is discussed, and, above all, the participation of states in reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The relationship of countries to climate change is considered by assessing their share of global GHG emissions and the climate vulnerability index, on the one hand, and the targets they have set for reducing GHG emissions under the PAC, on the other. Countries are grouped into five groups: countries surrounding the Republic of Serbia (RS), countries whose emission indicators are similar to those of the RS, countries with the largest GHG emissions, countries with the smallest GHG emissions, and countries most vulnerable to climate change. In conclusion, it can be said that a double discrepancy (the discrepancy between the global target and the national targets and within the national targets) exists. In addition, certain common elements in the national targets for reducing GHG emissions also exist. However, due to the lack of uniformity in the way the GHG emission reduction targets are indicated, drawing firm conclusions is not reliable. At the same time, this leaves some room for a more flexible relationship in defining the national goals of the RS, with reservations about the obligations associated with the EU membership candidacy.
FRANCE AND THE CONCEPT OF EUROPEAN SOVEREIGNISM AT THE INTEGRATION CROSSROAD
Maja KOVAČEVIĆ ORCID iD icon, Dejana M. VUKASOVIĆ
International problems, 2020 72(3):499-531
Abstract ▼
The article examines the politics of French presidents towards European integration, with the focus on President Macronʼs proposals concerning European sovereignism. The authors apply the Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which models the EU reforms as a three-stage process in which states first define preferences, then engage in interstate bargaining, and finally design common institutions. The main thesis of this article is that France has relatively stable preferences – augmenting its power through European integration, which is also translated into Macronʼs politics, despite seemingly paradoxical proposals on further delegation of competences to the EU. France is refusing the status quo in the Union divided on key issues, and strongly advocate a Europe of concentric circles. The high intensity of French preferences for the EU reforms is demonstrated through the alternative coalition’s projects, such as the European Intervention Initiative or redefinition of its relations with Russia. Contrary to common interpretations of France as the weaker partner in the Franco-German axis after the Bing Bang enlargement and Eurozone crisis, the authorsʼ thesis is that France is regaining a stronger role at the integration crossroad. In the context of the uncertain future of the transatlantic partnership, Chinaʼs rise and the threat of further EU marginalization in contemporary international relations, France is determined to have the “balancing power” status on the global stage. Based on its military and diplomatic power, as well as large geographic influence, France is offering a strong alliance to Germany, which has no serious alternative. The authors conclude that this alliance would provide an opportunity for both countries to further project their power, and create a new context for inevitable re-opening of the ”German question”.
BREXIT AS THE OUTCOME OF THE AMBIVALENT BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
International problems, 2020 72(3):532-565
Abstract ▼
Based on the analysis of the political processes and challenges during the United Kingdom’s EU membership, the author aims to depict the continued British resistance towards EU integration deepening. The author analyzes the hesitance towards the deepening of British-European relations through various examples, such as the two referendums on continued EU membership, various opt-outs, and the European agendas of various British governments. The paper also shows that despite skepticism towards integration deepening, the UK was constantly inclined towards EU enlargement, in part as a reflection of the security-defense logic of its transatlantic priorities. The author intends to demonstrate that British politicians have been using numerous political, economical or social challenges during the past decade in order to secure growingly Eurosceptic votes. However, such narratives have resulted not only in greater support for Brexit but have also contributed to the political, identity, regional and other polarization. The above-mentioned facts lead to a twofold conclusion: by withdrawing from the EU, the country not only loses its special status, which used to constitute an important part of the British international role and identity, but also devolves mutual relations and fills them with distrust. Likewise, the author explains that the designing of sustainable and deepened transatlantic relations in the short-term is not particularly realistic, due to isolationist and unilateral tendencies of the current American administration. As part of the scientific explanation, the author uses the concepts of realist theories and intergovernmental approach. For the purpose of an additional illustration of the UK’s resistance towards integration deepening, the author employs the idea of British exceptionalism as a constant political phenomenon.
“MINI-SCHENGEN” AS AN OPPORTUNITY FOR NEW REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
Stevan RAPAIĆ
International problems, 2020 72(3):566-594
Abstract ▼
The paper analyses the idea of “Mini-Schengen” as a new opportunity for resolving disputes between the countries of the Western Balkans and as economic and political integration. The main advantages of membership in “Mini-Schengen” are the removal of customs and all other barriers in intraregional trade, which would enable domestic companies to place their products throughout the region with the lowest possible logistic costs while maximizing protection for their products and market access opportunities. Doubts about what exactly “Mini-Schengen” should assume and which countries of the Western Balkans would be members of this union are still numerous. In this paper, the author provided answers to some main issues about this possible integration. The paper analyses the macroeconomic situation in Albania, North Macedonia, and Serbia, anticipating which countries would achieve the greatest benefit for their economy in the case of the establishment of “Mini-Schengen”. Political consequences of the “Mini-Schengen” are also analysed to provide an answer to which countries would achieve the greatest political benefit from this association, and which would suffer certain political damage. The author concludes that the main conception of “Mini-Schengen” is to create a single labour market, which would maintain a low minimum wage in Serbia and ensure stability in the influx of labour in order to keep the existing foreign investors and attract new ones.
“MINI SCHENGEN” – CONCEPT, IMPLEMENTATION AND CONTROVERSIES
Dragan ĐUKANOVIĆ, Branislav ĐORĐEVIĆ
International problems, 2020 72(3):595-618
Abstract ▼
The concept of the Regional Economic Area was developed gradually within the framework of the Berlin Process, which began its operations in 2014. A particular momentum for this initiative was given at the Berlin Process Summit, held in Trieste in July 2017, when the Consolidated Multi-Annual Action Plan for the Regional Economic Area in the Western Balkans Six was adopted. The main objective of the REA was related to trade, investment, mobility, and digital integration throughout the Western Balkans region. At the summit of Western Balkans leaders, chaired by German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron, in late April 2019, the idea of a full revival of the Regional Economic Area was again encouraged. Despite some opposition and disagreement on the part of some Western Balkan leaders for fear that the REA would compensate for the Western Balkan countries\' membership in the European Union, it came to its empowering through the format of the tripartite meetings of leaders of Serbia, North Macedonia and Albania – “Mini Schengen”. However, these meetings explicitly highlighted the link between “Mini Schengen”, the REA and the wider context of European integration, but also that this initiative actually aimed to secure \"four EU freedoms\" throughout the Western Balkans region. This primarily refers to the freedom of movement of persons with a valid ID, as well as the possibility of employment, residence, and living in these countries. Moreover, mutual recognition of all diplomas and qualifications between the three countries is envisaged. It is particularly important to ensure the full inclusiveness of “Mini Schengen” in the future, through the participation of all entities in the Western Balkans, including Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. It is equally significant that the leaders of the Western Balkan countries express solidarity regarding the continuation of European integration, as it was done at the meetings held in Novi Sad (10 October 2019), Ohrid (10 November 2019) and Tirana (21 December 2019) through support for Albania and North Macedonia to begin pre-accession negotiations with the EU. Also, “Mini Schengen”, as an initiative for cooperation predominantly related to the economic segment, involves deepening of cooperation in both security and civilian emergencies, which is a relevant response to the current challenges in this part of Europe.

Book review

EXTERNAL ENERGY SECURITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: SMALL MEMBER STATES’ PERSPECTIVE
Nevena ŠEKARIĆ
International problems, 2020 72(3):619-628
COMPARATIVE GRAND STRATEGY: A FRAMEWORK AND CASES
Mihajlo KOPANJA
International problems, 2020 72(3):619-628