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The main research question in this article is how much the establishment of the U.S. Space Force has influenced other countries to accelerate their space activities and whether future technological development in space will be peaceful. The newly formed U.S. Space Force is the result of new geopolitical reflections on the importance of outer space as a new type of battlefield between states. International norms forbid weapons of mass destruction in outer space, but not conventional weapons. The author examines the justification and the possibility of establishing an international regime that would limit the future space ambitions of a few capable states. The author uses a comparative method and analysis of state practices to examine who could be the most serious competitor of the United States in the struggle for space domination. The author concludes that space nationalism dominates the practices of states and their aspirations to increase their own power. Although it is too early to reject classical geopolitical views, geopolitics must respect outer space as a new arena of competition. The author also predicts that there will be a place for private actors in that arena, but with strict state supervision. The main conclusion and answer to the research question are that American activities will introduce the race to conquer space to a new speed, including the armament and militarization of outer space.

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Thе paper focuses on the research of general possibilities and limitations of the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiations and particularly the inclusion of China in these negotiations because, during 2019 and 2020, the US conditioned the extension of the New START Treaty with China’s involvement in the trilateral strategic arms control negotiations. By doing so, the US recognised China as an important factor influencing the maintenance of strategic stability and possibilities for further reduction of strategic arms. The main hypothesis is the claim that the limitations still overcome the possibilities regarding the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiation, and that the prospects of involving China in this kind of negotiation remain minimal. This hypothesis was tested through theoretical deliberation based on the notion of strategic stability, and its transformation during the Cold War until today, as well as on four indicators or preconditions of China’s involvement in the strategic arms control, which are: 1) quantitative reduction of the number of nuclear arms of the US and Russia to China’s level; 2) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons in the national security and defense strategies of the great powers; 3) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons as the status symbol of the great power or superpower and 4) conclusion of the multilateral international agreement (not trilateral) on limitations on the use of nuclear weapons. The author uses the methods of content and discourse analysis, as well as the comparative method. The author concludes that the absence of the intention of the US and Russia to further reduce their strategic arms and decrease the role of nuclear weapons in their security and defense strategies, as well as the absence of consent on which parties or actors should be included in the arms control talks and China’s general suspicion about the effectiveness of the arms control agreements, influence China not to take part on any strategic arms control talks at this moment.

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The paper focuses on the communicological dimension of the terrorist act, starting from the position that the violence is used to convey various messages in a non-verbal way. Throughout the research into the propaganda of the deed, the technique on which communicational tactics of terrorists are mostly based, the author seeks to examine extensive ranges of communication strategies used by insurgent groups against dominant hegemony. By combining the elements of Jacques Ellul\'s theoretical conception of propaganda along with the cultural approach in the interpretation of mechanisms in which hegemony operates, the author refutes perspectives that deny rebellions’ possibilities for efficient realization of their propaganda goals by using acts of violence. The author’s conclusion is based on three arguments. Firstly, for modern propaganda, provoking the behavior of the audience (ortopraxie) is a more important goal than influencing its attitudes (orthodoxy). Secondly, it is possible to notice elements in the pre-propaganda field, which evade hegemonic control, due to the contradiction between ideological narratives and the real structure, and which insurgent propaganda may utilize. Lastly – by means of terrorist acts, their performers address different types of audiences with different goals simultaneously. The author concludes that the efficiency of propaganda can be manifested in two manners: in the short term – when an act of violence represents a direct “trigger” for the desired behavior of the audience; in the long term – by including the act and provoked behavior in the network of memories, which becomes an element of pre-propaganda that can be referred to in the future.

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The paper analyses a correlation between the political (in)stability of the Central American countries and the inequality of the countries in relation to the development of capitalism from the aspect of international politics and economics in the case of the Central American countries. Such a status of the Central American countries is opposed to the fact that they have achieved equality in public international law. The Introduction also indicates that political stability depends on functional public authorities, and the success in macroeconomic policy. The main part of the paper deals with the factors which led to political (in)stability during the Cold War and afterwards. The internal factors include lack of communication and trust between government and opposition, weak democracy, serious violations of civil and political rights, dangerous activities of paramilitary forces, economy depending on illicit drug dealers, the underdeveloped legal system as well as the lack of modern, equipped police. The above shortcomings refer especially to Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. This is verified by their ranking in the Human Development Index. On the other hand, countries like Belize, El Salvador, Costa Rica and Panama are among higher-ranked countries. The most important external factor is the US economic and political impact. In that sense, capitalism can be seen as a recognisable stabilising force due to its ability to adapt itself to occasional economic and political crises. However, China’s growing economic, technical and technological influence on the world could determine a different course of capitalism’s development, as opposed to the US efforts to maintain a leading position in defining the role of capitalism in international relations. The author concludes that these countries can get free from the US influence and become politically stable, provided that China determines the course of future capitalism’s development.