Abstract ▼

The paper analyses the issue of political stability in the context of changes in the positions of major political actors. The altered role of the nation-state in the conditions of globalisation inevitably reflects on the understanding of the security phenomenon. On the other hand, the number and characteristics of security challenges and threats have increased significantly. In addition to the previously present problems, there has been an increase in drug trafficking, illegal migration, human organ trafficking, an escalation of piracy, and the criminalisation of various spheres of life. In the last two years, the world has also faced a new global security problem, this time in the field of health — the COVID-19 pandemic. Practice has shown that (in most cases) the nation-state has become weaker and less independent, and its corresponding state-centric security system is inefficient, costly, cumbersome, and inadequate to many new threats. The strength of this conclusion stems from the analysis of the functioning of the national security system in the case of terrorist attacks, but also from the study of the mechanisms used for overthrowing sovereign states under the decisive influence of external factors.

Abstract ▼

The article examines Turkey’s role in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh that erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020. It analyses how changes and continuity in Turkey’s foreign policy have influenced the conflict’s outcome, as well as the extent to which it has been exploited to fulfil Turkey’s foreign policy objectives. Thus, unlike most research on Nagorno-Karabakh, this article focuses on the role of one external actor, and not on the conflict itself or possible hypotheses for its resolution. The article’s special focus was influenced by the fact that Turkey’s participation resulted in a change in the long-standing status quo in Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing the situation to turn dramatically in Baku’s favour. Turkey, along with Russia, has emerged as one of the most important regional players in this conflict. This is the result of Turkey’s emphasised foreign policy ambitions, which were influenced by changes in its international security environment as well as changes in the country’s domestic policy. In any case, with its role in the second conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey has once again shown its determination to pursue its foreign, and especially regional, policy independently and in accordance with its national interests, despite being a member of NATO.

Abstract ▼

Authors analyze cyberspace, a product of the rapid development of information and communication technologies, and its role and importance for leading world powers. Nevertheless, to the undoubted advantages for modern society, cyberspace has certain negative aspects regarding the state functioning. The authors emphasize that there are certain threats in cyberspace and that they are becoming more numerous and sophisticated. In strategic and doctrinal documents of many countries they are among the greatest security challenges in the 21st century. The authors explain that cyberspace is characterized by increasing militarization and the undoubted military presence of leading world powers such as the United States (U.S.) and Russia. Further, authors develop the argument that the growing dependence and use of information and communication technologies has caused, among other things, a change in the physiognomy of modern armed conflicts. The next part of the paper is dedicated to the conflict of states in cyberspace. In the final part of the article, authors give examples of incidents between the U.S. and Russia and analyze their capability for cyber warfare. The authors conclude that both considered world powers have respectable offensive and defensive capacities for cyber warfare.

Abstract ▼

This article analyses the evolving nature of the strategic relationship between Ukraine and the EU since the onset of the second decade of the 21st century. The author aims to show that, although the two sides have for years been elevating their ties through the neighbourhood policy and the Eastern Partnership strategic initiative, Kyiv’s ultimate ambition has always been focused on securing the EU membership perspective. The author considers the Ukrainian EU membership request precarious due to the Union’s concerns over stability, Kyiv’s territorial integrity problems and the ongoing war, the unfavourable impact for the current membership candidates, but also since such a request sets a precedent for the other eastern partners. To explicate the abovementioned aspects, the author primarily uses the historical method and the document analysis, to clarify in greater detail the chief political events which have gradually led towards the current state. Research conclusions point out that, despite Ukraine’s right to apply for EU membership, such a request is unlikely to result in a speedy accession, due to a variety of abovementioned aspects, coupled with a complicated decision-making process in the Union in that regard. In spite of that, the EU intends to continue supporting Ukraine as a strategic partner in a variety of domains, including also an indirect aid in combating the Russian military incursion. The author finds that the EU’s response to the membership application will have extensive ramifications not only on the two parties’ relations, but also on the enlargement policy and the Eastern Partnership domain.

Abstract ▼

This paper analyses the impact of Chinese public diplomacy and soft power (cultural soft power) on the public perception in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have tested the three specific images China aims to project in Bosnia-Herzegovina: China as an ancient civilization, a leader of the developing countries and a responsible partner in the international community. We will see whether cultural soft power, applied by means of Confucius Institutes, academic exchange programs and think tanks, has an impact on the public perception in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first part tackles the theoretical framework of public diplomacy, soft power and cultural diplomacy. The second part delineates the institutional, diplomatic and regulative framework of soft power and introduces the stakeholders, i.e. academic exchange and Confucius Institutes. The final part analyzes the survey and interviews and presents the results as to how these various public diplomacy tools are shaping the perception of China in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The paper concludes by arguing that Chinese public diplomacy produces soft power in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is in turn positively perceived.