Abstract ▼

The paper explores the scope and limitations of nuclear energy in general and the suitability of a nuclear power plant in the necessary energy transition of the Republic of Serbia. Energy cooperation between Serbia and Russia already exists in the fossil fuel sector, where Russia’s strength is unmatched globally. As the largest supplier of gas and oil to European countries, Russia uses the power of its resources for foreign policy purposes, so even the current war in Ukraine has not stopped the gas supply to the European Union. The author analyzes the potency of ROSATOM as the world’s largest exporter of nuclear technology and the possibilities for Serbia to use the strategic partnership with Russia for the arrangement of the construction of a nuclear power plant. The work is based on a realistic theoretical setting of international relations. The main hypothesis is that, on the path of the energy transition, Serbia must gradually reduce its dependence on coal-fired thermal power plants, which are inefficient and enormous environmental polluters. The best solution is the construction of a nuclear power plant based on Russian technology. Serbia has already taken steps to improve cooperation with Russia in the nuclear field through several signed agreements from 2018 to 2022. This serves as a solid starting point for the repeal of the law forbidding the construction of nuclear power plants and entering into an arrangement for the construction of such a plant on the territory of the Republic of Serbia.

Abstract ▼

The subject of this paper is to examine the relationship between the emerging and disruptive technologies (EDTs) and the sub-regional arms control regime in the Western Balkans (WB), established by the Agreement on Sub-Regional Arms Control, signed on June 14, 1996, in Florence (the Agreement). The main research question is: Do the EDTs that the WB countries possess or are planning to acquire influence the existing arms control equation in the WB and, if yes, do we need a new arms control regime? Authors explore this question through the analysis of EDTs that have taken roots in the WB and are likely to grow significant in the future, and WB sub-regional arms control regime, taking EDTs as one of the variables that challenges the existing arms control regime in this region. They compare the current EDT capacities that Western Balkan states possess, as well as the potential of those EDTs to disrupt the balance of forces set by the Agreement. The authors conclude that, although we do not need a completely new arms control agreement in the WB, having in mind the flexibility of the existing one, a responsible approach would include an update of the current arms control regime, especially regarding the new confidence and security building measures (CSBMs), including increased transparency on the acquirement and the nature of potential use of EDTs.

Abstract ▼

The paper explores the exploitative nature of Africa – EU relations. The exploitative tendencies are present from the very beginning, in the Rome treaty itself, and are consistent through Yaounde, Lome, and Cotonou eras as well. As time passes, the exploitative nature of this relationship is getting vaguer through vocabulary changes and more subtle economic exploitation mechanisms. Each new cooperation framework tried to emphasize the importance of equality in the EU-Africa partnership but the inequality between the two parties constantly grew. This is the case with the newest, Global gateway framework. This investment plan is an ad-hoc initiative designed to counter Chinese interests in the region. The EU tends to be a norm creator in the African continent. The paper reexamines the capability of the EU to fulfill that role.

Abstract ▼

The past forty years has seen a marked increase in the proliferation of transnational actors in the international system. The rise of these actors has sparked a continuing debate within the field of international relations on how they influence state action. This emergent literature on “transnational studies” within international relations has mainly pitted advocates of an approach that views states as the dominant force in world politics versus those who see the rise of transnational actors as empirical proof that the primacy of states as actors in the international system is being replaced. New literature in the mid-1990s tried to move transnational studies beyond these debates of the past. What both sides failed to grasp was that, because both looked to how transnational actors could affect domestic state behavior, they really in the end shared the same research question (it was only their approach to the question that differed). The result is a thin account of how transnational actors matter and a series of measurement problems due to the underlying concepts being much too general. This article introduces a new theoretical framework for testing the ability of transnational actors to influence domestic state behavior.

Abstract ▼

Although Republic of Serbia (Serbia) does not have an adopted foreign policy strategy, there are a number of elements that are consistently applied. one of them is the insistence on prioritizing cooperation with Russia. Serbian-Russian relations have become stronger and deeper over the past 20 years, and they are unlikely to be impacted by changes in the global environment that occur after February 2022. This paper tackles the subject of continued Serbian-Russian relations and their dynamics, in addition to analyzing the development of Serbia’s foreign policy and explaining how relations with Russia became a priority. The analysis of the bilateral relations between the two states is done by relying on structural realism as a theoretical framework, first of all on considering the principle of self-help as one of the key factors when determining foreign policy. The methodological framework is based on discourse analysis, content analysis, but also the use of the comparative method, induction and deduction methods.

Abstract ▼

The definition of North America as a sub-region of the New World from the end of the Cold War to the post-Cold War era is still a perennial problem. The paper focuses on the analysis of the status of three countries in North America during the period from 1980 through 2022. By using the comparative method, content analysis from a legal point of view, and historiographical and statistical methods, the paper offers an answer to the research question: Can Canada, Mexico, and the United States nourish the idea of North America as a common area? Divided into two periods – before and after 2001, the paper points to the importance of the bilateral Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA), which was superseded by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as a trilateral agreement involving Canada, Mexico, and the US. Further on, NAFTA was substituted by the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) as the final version. CUSMA was created in the years of the growing trends towards the weakening of democracy in Mexico and the US. The conclusion of this paper is grounded on the findings related to this sub-region of the New World.