MEĐUNARODNI PROBLEMI

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The authors discuss the unique characteristics of Central Europe, particularly in the last century, and highlight the fundamental differences in the influence vectors within this region of Europe. In this regard, we can distinguish the regions of the Visegrad Group (V4) and the Alpine sub-region (Germany, Austria, Croatia, and Slovenia). The differences between the countries in the V4 arrangement are more pronounced, particularly regarding their positions on the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and their varying dynamics of democratic processes. Throughout its modern history, Serbia has predominantly had strained relations with its Central European neighbours. Regarding this, the authors specifically highlight many phases, particularly in the early 19th century. As a result, Serbia’s current foreign policy is examined in the context of its relations with the states of an otherwise intricate Central Europe. In this regard, the broader context of Serbia’s objectively slow European integration is highlighted, as well as its intense relations with China and Russia. The authors conclude that Serbia will continue to face challenges in its immediate Central European environment.

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Foreign and security policy, almost traditionally, play a small or minor role in US presidential elections. Nevertheless, this year’s election could be an exception, bearing in mind the global context of this year’s elections characterized by conflicts in Ukraine, the Middle East and potentially in East Asia, as well as the fact that both main candidates were already presidents, meaning that we are largely familiar with their potential foreign policies. When, however, the prevailing classical meaning of the national interest is taken into consideration, the absence of a clear, elaborated and noncontradictory conception of this term is noticeable in the programs presented by both candidates. Considering the extremely high degree of political polarization of this year’s presidential elections little can be labeled with the adjective national, apart from the consensus regarding the policy towards the People’s Republic of China and where the threat is coming from. It is primarily about the „party” and, more narrowly - the individual interests of the presidential candidates themselves. In other words, national interests are indeed considered but under different terms, words and/or phrases.

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This paper explores the success factors behind the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP), established in 1996 to address the issue of missing persons from the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The ICMP’s mission has expanded to foster state cooperation and provide expert assistance in locating missing persons due to conflicts, human rights abuses, and disasters. This study hypothesises that the ICMP’s success stems from the interplay of exogenous factors, such as shifts in international law and humanitarian paradigms, and endogenous factors, including its flexible institutional design and expert-driven approach. By dissecting the ICMP’s structure and functions, this research underscores the importance of adaptability and expertise in the effective operation of international organisations. The ICMP’s engagement in the Republic of Serbia and the territory of Kosovo provides insight into how non-standard institutional frameworks can navigate political intricacies to achieve significant humanitarian outcomes, demonstrating the crucial balance between national interests and global humanitarian commitments.

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This article attempts to answer the question of the relationship between Serbia’s perceived national interests and the Open Balkan Initiative. It starts with a theoretical framework and concepts of national interests and regional integrations of the Western Balkans. It then proceeds with a concise history of these integrations and their relationship with the EU accession process of Balkan countries. The article’s central part focuses on the economic, institutional, and legal aspects of the Open Balkan Initiative and how the perceived national interests of Serbia determine these aspects. The main conclusions are that political leaders of Serbia, Albania, and North Macedonia have used interpresidentialism as a form of regional integration, deliberately avoiding institutionalisation, and decided to almost exclusively use non-binding instruments of international law in the Open Balkan Initiative. Additionally, the economic results of the initiative are limited so far.

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George Frost Kennan was one of the most famous foreign policy thinkers and strategists in the Cold War period. However, in terms of practical achievements, he was far less successful. First, Kennan’s ambassadorship in Moscow (1952) was cancelled after only four and a half months because Stalin declared him persona non grata. Likewise, as an ambassador in Yugoslavia (1961–1963), he was not of better fortune; he resigned before the end of his mandate. The research question in this article is the following: Was George Frost Kennan a creator or just an executor of American national interests in Yugoslavia during his term as ambassador? Did he make a difference in relations between the United States and Yugoslavia, or was he just a bureaucrat implementing the decisions of his superiors? Our answer and our central thesis is that Kennan came to Yugoslavia believing that he would make a difference, and the Yugoslavs accepted him with the same belief. However, after Tito’s speech at the 1961 Non-Aligned Conference in Belgrade, in the next few months, Kennan was left high and dry by his government as well as by his Yugoslav hosts. The article consists of two parts: the first part will describe Kennan’s interpretation of the concept of the National Interest; the second part will focus on Kennan’s ambassadorship in Yugoslavia before and after the 1961 Non-Aligned Conference in Belgrade.

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As the unipolar moment wanes and the world approaches multipolarity, academic debates are intensifying about the future grand strategy of the United States. This paper contributes to that debate by analysing offshore balancing, a grand strategy proposal from the neorealist academic camp. The key research question addressed is whether offshore balancing is the most appropriate strategy for pursuing the vital national interests of the United States today. Using the Persian Gulf, one of three key regions for US national interests, as a case study, this paper argues that the time is not ripe for offshore balancing. This strategy shares similar shortcomings with the current deep engagement strategy: it occasionally ignores historical lessons and present realities; it overlooks the dangers of a power vacuum and the changed strategic context resulting from an American withdrawal; it places excessive trust in alliances whose effectiveness is often doubted even by realists; and it fails to account for the emergence of asymmetric threats in the 21st century, which are difficult to address quickly and effectively. Finally, the paper contends that, while offshore balancing may become the US’s grand strategy by 2050, selective engagement will likely take precedence until then.

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This paper develops a matrix for measuring the realisation/degree of successful implementation of the national interest of the Republic of Serbia. The theoretical foundation of this matrix is “thin” constructivism in international relations, which is based on ontological inter-subjectivism and epistemological positivism. The methodology relies on two main pillars: the first defines Serbian national interests and their hierarchy, while the second measures the extent of their implementation/ realisation. These pillars utilise a mix of various data collection and analysis methods, including desk research, descriptive statistics, content analysis, public opinion polls, and expert surveys. This paper’s primary theoretical aim is to enhance national interest in international relations by providing a tool to measure its implementation. The main empirical and policy goal is to assess the current state of Serbia’s national interest implementation. The analysis reveals that the implementation rate of Serbia’s national interest is just over 40% (an index score of 2.61 on a 1-5 scale). The paper also pinpoints specific areas that require policy improvements to enhance this score in the future.